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The Original Founders (Early 20th Century)

The Original Founders (Early 20th Century)

Wednesday, 4 March 2015

By: Father Daniel Cogul

Jam Sebastian a youtube sensation had finally succumb to the Illness of Cancer. His Fiance Mitch and Family mother had anounced his death via media. Before he died all wishes came true and rested in peace in the hospital. 

Jam Sebastian was known for the tandem of Jam and Mitch in youtube. Jam Sebastian was made famous by his videos in youtube. He had been suffering from illness for months. Millions of Netizens offered condolences to the You tube sensation and praised him. 

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Tuesday, 3 March 2015

By: Father Daniel Cogul

Filipino People are marring Jolo Revilla the son of one of the known Pork Barrel Democratic Senator wishing he would go to hell along with his entire family. The Clan is one of the Political Dynasties who was fed and grew up on the pork barrel of the Filipino People. 

Jolo Revilla is known to grow up around the Pork Barrel stolen by his father Bong Revilla and Mother Lani Mercado from the Filipino People. Everything he owns, he wears, he lives comes from the Pork Barrel of the Filipino People. 

His condition right now is bad to worst. Favouring the Filipino People on wishing the son of one of the Political Dynasties who lived and grew up on Pork Barrel would die and go to hell where they belong. 

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By: Father Daniel Cogul

Firefight versus the BIFF(Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters) lasted for 2 hours and the Philippine democratic Government lost several men. They (Democratic Soldiers) burned down the houses of some of the locals in Maguindanao. 

The Philippine Democratic Soldiers had recreated a scene to show media they have gained the Enemy camp but in reality it was a recreated scene. They never conquered the BIFF (Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighter) nor their camp. 

Some media saw fire burning on huts but due to refusal of the democratic Soldiers to see their mischief. What the Democratic Media had only seen are burning houses. 

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By: Father Daniel Cogul

Democratic soldiers loots houses and steals from town folks in Maguindanao near Mamasapano. The Town folks in Maguindanao complained that the Philippine Democratic Forces stole and looted their houses. Many things are missing in their belongings. 

Up to now the Philippine Democratic Government is playing blind from the looting and stealing of people's property. They said they will investigate but obviously will just cover up and unpunish the democratic Soldiers who stole and looted. It is hundreds of Soldiers not just one. 

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By: Comrade Mark Cua

BBL (Bangsamoro Basic Law) is indeed a mockery to the muslim community and to the Bangsamoro People. I am not protecting Islam in the Philippine nor hate the muslims. In my point of view and as i read the copy of the BBL, it is a just mere mockery from the Philippine Democratic Government. 

Let us go back to our basic Social Studies lessons taught to us by our dear teachers. What are the 4 basic elements of a state?


Let us discuss about Bangsamoro. Population we have almost 95% are Muslims, Government we have the Bangsmoro Government run by MILF, BIFF, MNLF and other Muslim Groups, Culture we have it is the Islamic Culture which envelops around Qoran and the daily life of the Muslims.

One thing is missing sovereignity. When you say independent that the Philippine democratic Government had no right to intervene into the Political, Social affairs of the Bangsamoro. Nor can you find Philippine Democratic Police and Military Stationed there. The Bangsamoro Armed Forces should be the one stationed there and not the Philippine democratic Police and Democratic Military. 

So Why the hell would you disarm them. 

No one should make laws for them nor get any money from the outside Government like the Philippine democratic Government. The Bangsamoro should be the one who will make laws and not the Philippine Democratic Senate and Congress. All Affairs in relations to the Bangsamoro is not a concern for the Philippine Democratic Government. There is no Philippine Democratic Flag being raised there. 

This is called Sovereignity. 

You can see and read how much Bangsmaoro would only be of no difference from ARMM (Autonomous Region Of Muslim Mindanao). It is just a mere province. So the Philippine Democratic Government cannot blame the MILF, BIFF because they are just defending their sovereignity as a country and as an independent state from the Philippine Democratic Government. 

This is as simple reason why BBL (Bangsamoro Basic Law) and the intervention of the Philippine democratic Government onto Bangsamoro Lands is indeed an insult to the Muslim Community. Ain't it outwitting the muslims and beating them around the bush. But in the end they will still end up as a province and region of the Philippines. 

Monday, 2 March 2015

By: Comrade Mark Cua

US Challenges China by flying its Poseidon Spyplane over the South China Sea and thus being forced and chased away by Chinese Jet fighters. The Poseidon plane was warned by the Chinese Air force that it is entering Chinese Air space. 

The Poseidon Plane was surrounded by 2 or 3 Chinese Fighter Jets and gave a warning shot and sign thus forcing the Poseidon plane to turn around and fly back to the Philippine Airspace above Mindoro Island. 

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By: Comrade Mark Cua

Sierra Leon's Vice President was immediately quarrantined after the body guard around him dies from Ebola. He could also be possibly be infected too as the body guard is always by his side. 

Along with his family and those who have in contact with him was quarrantied by the Medical professionals and now being tested for Ebola. 
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By: Comrade Mark Cua

Venezuelan Government will sanction US Officials and deny Visas to US Officials stating he will limit the US Officials to be working in the Venezuelan Nation. 

He will limit US Officials working in Venezuela and deny Visas to US officials. He said on the Anti US Protests," These are decisions I take as head of state in accordance with Viena Convention, our Bolivarian Constitution, and the revolutionary conscience of the Venezuelan People. I call upon a world Rebellion against US Imperialism."

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By: Comrade Mark Cua

China's Manufacturing up by 49.9% as of the first quarter of 2015. The New orders index hit by 50.2% and showing signs of improvement. 

Orders from Big firms increase by 8% and orders from small firms increase by 3% driven by the Spring Festival Holiday and Government Policies for a steady growth. 

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By: Newton Herbeven

Italian Phone Operator badly effected by the Economic Recession in EU (European Union) sells half of its stakes to Spanish Abertiz. The Spanish Telecommunication company bought it trying to save the Italian Operator Company. 

It was bought at 693 Million Euros by the Spanish Abertiz and about 7,377 Towers together with relevant employees, functions, and contracts. Italian Phone Operator had 13,000 Mobile Phone towers in Italy before it sold them to Spanish Abertiz. 

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By: Newton Herbeven

One of the badly hit nations from the EU (European Union) Economic Recession Portugal and its Hotel Employees walk the streets and shouts for higher wage. the protests are mostly on Brisbon outside Ritz Hotel. 

Maria das Gomez said,"Portugese Government should suspended holiday pay for 2 years and January the pay went back to normal. Companies don't want to pay." She was the president of the Hoteliara do Sul Sindicate. 

Portugal had been raising taxes and causing nothing to be left to the workers. 

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By: Newton Herbeven

EU (European Union) had an Unemployment rate up by 11.6%. Showing the dwindling and dying economy for the EU (European Union) Nations. This is showing economy is doing bad from worst in EU (European Union). 

Germany is up by 4.7% for unemployment rate, Austria by 4.8%, 25.8% on Greece, and 23.8% for Spain. Unemployment rate in United States is also up by 15.7%. 

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Wednesday, 25 February 2015



When we went back to Manila, It was election Period. I went to my daily work and My comrade went back to his Firm to handle Marital and Labour Cases. It was Monday Mornning I told my staff Mr Roby Guetterez that if there are any person from the Philippine Democratic Government don't even bother to deny them entry and tell them I am out of town. 

Mr Roby had been with me since I opened my Corporation and developed into mid size Corporation.  In his second year I noticed he was a bit of being a hater to the Philippine Democratic Government and I treated him equally and like a comrade. How I wish he would return that favour to me by working for me properly in terms of Operations. 

I am the type of CEO (Chief Executive Officer) who eats with employees and never sits on my own in my sacred throne in the Corporation. I does that on regular basis and even without eyes looking at me. The people who had been working for me in the Office liked my Pope Francis or Mao Tze Dong Attitude. I never disgusted them but I do have a standard for them. 

I want my employees in the Corporation to be morally upright, when it comes to working hours they are working, when it comes to cleanliness and sacredness of the place I don't want it to be like Tondo and i don't want itchy cats in my territory. I don't want sex maniacs or anything that would desecrate my territory. I am a humble man but I am in pursue of what is right and what is wrong. 

One time one of my Employees in the Corporation said, "Sir, I want to report to you someone misbehaving."  I told him," Really? Who is he? You know me I will not let you feel I am a mighty king but if some one does a foolish thing I don't tolerate them."

He told me,"Freddy Guian from the Production department Sir." I told him," Really? What did he do?"He told me that he had sex with one of my Female employees in my office and in my Corporation. He said there is an evidence and I told Security to check the CCTVs on that day. 

It was caught on tape and I told the Security Guard to give me a copy of it. He gave me the copy and I called in Mr Freddy and showed him the CCTV Footage. He was at first denying it and I told him,"You know Mr Freddy I am a type of Person who is fair and unbiased. You had been with me for 5 years. You know what I like and what I hate."

If this leaked, this can affect the Name of our Corporation how you serve me affects the way they see my Corporation. I frankly told him,"I am sorry Mr Freddy. I am not the Philippine Democratic Government who is playing a Zarzuela Play in terms of Justice. I hate to do this but I am forced to to keep my Corporation sacred."

I picked up the phone and called the Human Resources Personnel. I told the HR Personel,"Mr Freddy will be passing by there and count him his last salary for this month. I will email to you the letter of Termination for Mr Freddy." He answered me,"Ok, Sir."

I called in Mr Roby to my Office and he entered. 

Before i released Mr Freddy, I cleared things between the two of them. I said,"This termination is not because I am in favour of Mr Roby. I have solid Evidence of your mischief with one of my employees here in my corporation." I continued,"I am fair and equal to all of you. You know that very well you had been with me 5 years."

My Verdict to Mr Freddy is fair and equal and I showed them unbiased and no colour. Before Mr Freddy left the office, I said," Thank You for working for me and being part of Red tech production Department for 5 years, Mr Freddy. I hope you get a better life outside my Corporation." He frowned I know it is hard for him because he is unemployed and has no money to feed his wife and children of 3. But Justice is Justice. White is White and Black is Black. Unlike Philippine Democratic Justice, Wrong is Right, Right is Wrong and covered up. 

I told Mr Roby,"Go back to work, Mr Roby." 


It was Sunday Morning when we are preparing to head back to Manila when we saw rows and rows of Democratic Army trucks and Cordons of Democratic Soldiers. As if there was a battle zone on the nearby Area. We called the Chamber maid what happened in the said village. 

The Chamber maid told us, "Sir, there had been several dead soldiers laying on the town Streets." 
We looked at each other and we know who did it. We just smiled back at each other and moved away from the Chamber maid. The Chamber maid wondered what we are smiling at. When we got back to the room, we pulled out a map and mapped out the battlefield that currently happened on the town. 

We are wondering who are the reactionary forces from the Philippine Democratic Government Military. That morning we went out the streets and looked for the bottom of this. Why and what initiated the deaths of the Dead Democratic Soldiers. The entire Barrio seemed like as if a bloody war zone occured. Everywhere we go there are Check points installed by the Philippine Democratic Forces.

One of the soldiers stopped our car and Said on the window,"Check Point Sir. Open the Window." We opened the Window and cooperated. We do look like Foreigners so they won't suspect us more of Korean or Chinese Skinned.  

After the inspection we passed through a part of town where we found Democratic soldiers carrying their dead colleagues. It wasn't just 2 or 3. It was more than a dozen. Comrade said,"Right to hell where they should be.." he continued,"We will have our turn to take these Democratic Bastards to hell."
I smiled at Comrade and said,"Before we do that make sure it will not be us who will be sent to hell"

At that time, if ever there are People from the Revolutionary movement against the Philippine Democratic Government we can only save some of them. One time we saw several Democratic Soldiers had been surrounding two individuals. 

I told Comrade before we move forward and take action we must make things clear first. So we waited and observed the scenario for awhile. One of the Democratic Soldiers shouted,"NPA!!! Catch him. At that time there were only two of them and seemed like chasing the man. 

After clarifying we took up our AK-47 and loaded ourselves with 2 magazines each and placed on our belts handguns. We went down the car and shot dead 2 Democratic Soldiers. We Shot them at the back saving a suspecting NPA (New People's Army) member. 

The 2 soldiers died immediately and took the man to safety of our car. 

We immediately drove out of town not to be detected by the Philippine Democratic Forces and the man told
us to stop beside a Highway towards Manila. From there i can see he headed towards the green areas but before that he said,"Thank you for Saving me Sir. What is your name?"

I told him,"Just me Mr Anonymous. If we will meet again we will have a password. This password changes everytime." I whispered him the password,"..."

My Comrade wears the Chinese Opera Masks and the NPA (New People's Army) member said what is our group's name. I told him we are 'Spectres' and we move through the shadows. We also told him that we are special agents sent by the Chinese Government to the Philippines. Even if we told him who would believe us. We operate where no eyes can see, and when we hit they never know what hit them. 

Some Commands in the NPA (New People's Army) called our Group "Spectres" because we come and disappear after helping. What they didn't finish we kill through the shadows. We only act when there are Americans involve in the said Operations. The American Agents had been trying to track us but they had a hard time. 

On that day itself, we saw the incident on the news and we knew we are the ones who killed the 2 Democratic Soldiers. ABS CBN and GMA obviously turned the story around to make it to the tone in favour of the Philippine Democratic Government. We headed back to Manila that day reached Manila around 8 in the evening. 

Whoever the Democratic Soldiers we killed on the said town, All we can say is we gotta do what we gotta do in order to save a life from being abused. For the Democratic Soldier boys, Well I hate to shoot them but we really have to because we can see they are harrassing a farmer and a fighter who is fighting for the Liberation of the Philippines from the hands of the evil and despotic Philippine Democratic Government. 

By: Comrade Mark Cua


The bestial conquest of the Filipino people by U.S. imperialism meant the continued status of the Philippines as a colony. U.S. imperialism came to frustrate the national and democratic aspirations of the Filipino people and to impose the will of the U.S. monopoly-capitalist class by force arms and double-talk. In the United States, the imperialist politicians and their capitalist masters boasted of their filthy work as a noble mission to “civilize” and Christianize” the Filipino people.

U.S. imperialism had been interested in the Philippines as a source of raw materials, a market for its surplus product and a field of investment for its surplus capital. Moreover, it needed the Philippines as a strategic foothold for carrying out its expansionist drive to convert the Pacific Ocean into an “American lake” and to increase its share of loot in the despoliation of China and Asia in general.
By the treaty of Paris in 1898, U.S. imperialism took over the role of Spanish colonialism as the colonial ruler of the Filipino people. The victor in the Spanish-American War acted as the rising capitalist power, capable of paying off the old colonial government and accommodating those property and business rights established previous to the treaty. Thus, feudalism was assimilated and retained for the imperialist purposes of the United States.
After the Filipino revolutionary forces had been defeated, U.S. imperialism drew from the country an increasing quantity of such commercial crops as sugar, coconut and hemp, aside from such other raw materials as logs and mineral ores. Sugar centrals, coconut oil refineries, rope factories and the like were built. The hacienda system of agriculture was further encouraged and reached its full development under the U.S. colonial regime. The purchase of a mere portion of the friar lands by the U.S. government in 1903 from the religious corporations was a token act which did not solve the land problem. Persons other than those who had little or no land, especially the top running dogs of the colonial government, were the ones who were able to take advantage for the land policy. Landlords in authority combined with American carpetbaggers in titling to themselves public lands of commercial, agricultural and speculatory value.
As a result of the more rapid growth of a commodity economy under the U.S. colonial regime, the peasantry became more impoverished and the owner-cultivators who became bankrupt sold off their lands to old-type and new-type landlord usurers, merchants and rich peasants. The evils of the Spanish colonial regime were carried over to the U.S. colonial regime. A new feature of the economy was an increase in the number of proletarians. Soon enough a huge reserve army of labor and a relative surplus of population, mainly emanating from the peasantry, arose.
In exchange for the Philippine raw materials, U.S. finished goods were imported free of tariff duties under the Payne-Aldrich Act of 1909. In 1913, quota limitations on Philippine raw materials exported to the United States were completely lifted. The free trade between these two types of commodities perpetuated the colonial and agrarian economy. The increasing avalanche of finished goods into the country crushed local handicrafts and manufacturers and furthermore compelled the people to buy these finished goods and to produce raw materials mainly.
U.S. surplus was invested in the Philippines both in the form of direct investments and loan capital. Direct investments went mainly into the production of raw materials and into trade in U.S. finished products and local raw materials. Minor processing of raw materials was also introduced. Mineral ores were extracted for the first time on a commercial basis. On the other hand, loan capital served to support foreign trade and cover trade deficits, convert pesos into dollars for profit remittances, pay salaries of American bureaucrats and business personnel, cover the needs of the colonial government for various equipment and the like. Every year, raw material production and, therefore, the exploitation of the people had to be intensified by the colonial regime in order to increase its rate of profit.
U.S. imperialism improved the system of transportation and communications as a means to tighten its political, economic, cultural and military control of the Philippines. U.S. corporations derived huge profits from public works contracts in the construction of more roads, bridges, ports and other transportation facilities. These public works in turn widened directly the market for U.S. motor vehicles, machinery and oil products. The colonial exchange of raw materials and finished products was accelerated. Troop movement for the suppression of the people also became faster.
The establishment of an extensive public school system and the adoption of English as the medium of instruction served not only to enhance the political indoctrination of the Filipinos into subservience to U.S. imperialism but also to encourage local taste for American commodities in general. It also opened the market directly for U.S. educational materials. The mass media was developed not only to spread imperialist propaganda but also to advertise all kinds of U.S. goods and, in particular, to sell various kinds of printing and communications equipment. Even the campaign for public sanitation and hygiene was a means to speed up the monopoly sales of U.S. drugs, chemicals and medical equipment. In the first place, the depredations of the U.S. aggressors troops in the Filipino-American War had resulted in various kinds of pestilence and epidemics, especially cholera, which threatened the health of the imperialist conquerors themselves.
On the basis of the economic conditions bred by U.S. imperialism, a certain social structure was built up in the Philippines. The U.S. imperialists merely adopted as their principal puppets those exploiting classes which had collaborated most with the Spanish colonial rulers in the 19th century and retained them at the top of the Philippine society. These were the comprador big bourgeoisie and the landlord class. From the ranks of these exploiting classes, the U.S. imperialists chose their top political agents and trained them to become bureaucrat capitalists sharing in the spoils of the colonial government. At the base of the society were the toiling masses workers and peasants who comprised more than 90 per cent of the people. During the U.S. colonial rule, the proletariat increased in number to the extent that the semifeudal society became reinforced with the quantitative increase of raw material production, trade, transport and communications facilities and minor manufacturing. But the peasantry remained the majority class in the entire society.
In the middle section of Philippine society were such strata as the national bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie. The national bourgeoisie was an extremely tiny and hard-pressed stratum because of the enormous dumping of U.S. finished products and the concentration of financial power in the hands of the comprador big bourgeoisie and the imperialist firms. The petty bourgeoisie which had maintained its status by sheer property ownership that made it self-reliant increasingly took interest in formal education. Of the many small landlords and rich peasants who became bankrupt, some held on to a petty-bourgeois status by acquiring a college education and getting into salaried service in the colonial bureaucracy and in private companies and others fell to the status of the proletariat or the semiproletariat.
U.S. imperialism built up an educational system as a major instrument of colonial control. Its main content was directed against the Philippine Revolution and was intended to cultivate political subservience to U.S. imperialism. As soon as an area was conquered in the course of the Filipino-American War, the imperialist aggressor troops posed as teachers in order to spread the imperialist propaganda that they had come to bring “democracy” and to prepare the Filipinos for “self-government.” The first American teachers from the soldiery were soon reinforced by the Thomasites, hundreds of civilian teachers from the United States. They systematized the colonial public schools and put up teacher-training schools and agricultural schools. In addition, American Catholic and Protestant missionaries came to help in the colonial indoctrination of the people, especially in the hinterlands.
To make their propaganda pervade every field of culture, the aggressors never hesitated to employ force to suppress any attempt to express the national-democratic aspirations of the people. As late as 1907, the Flag Law was enacted to suppress any patriotic attempt of Filipinos to advocate independence or display the Philippine flag. Such newspapers as El Renacimiento and El Nuevo Dia, despite their basically compromising liberal-democratic views, were harassed by the U.S. colonial authorities. Patriotic literature and dramatic presentations were banned and their author were severely punished.
Reflecting the subordination of feudalism to U.S. imperialism at the material base of society, the new colonial culture and education were characterized by the superimposition of comprador ideology upon the feudal ideology within the superstructure. The Catholic Church shifted its loyalty from Spanish colonialism to U.S. imperialism. The homilies of the priest were bent to the slant of the U.S. press. The U.S. colonial regime established the University of the Philippines in 1908 to attract mainly the petty bourgeoisie, even as the University of Santo Tomas, together with the convent schools, continued to prefer teaching an exclusive clientele of students from the exploiting classes who could afford to pay exorbitant matriculation fees. U.S. imperialism was bent on recruiting a large number of intellectual agents from the ranks of the petty bourgeoisie in order to raise the level of scientific and technical competence for servitude in an expanding bureaucracy and in the proliferating imperialist corporations. To further establish its ideological hegemony in the Philippines, the U.S. colonial government also recruited from 1903 to 1914 a large number of students for training in the United States. These pensionados subsequently functioned as the most reliable puppets of U.S. imperialism inside and outside the colonial bureaucracy. They always mistook their indebtedness to U.S. imperialism as that of the entire Filipino people and they were blind to the fact that through them U.S. imperialism could oppress and exploit the broad masses of the Filipino people, especially the workers and peasants.
In establishing the colonial government in the Philippines, U.S. imperialism first relied on the most notorious betrayers of the Philippines Revolution. They were afforded the spoils of bureaucrat capitalism, which enlarged their comprador and landlord interests. Their political party, the Partido Federal, served to endorse the new colonial rule. Their leading representatives were accommodated in the Philippine Commission, the leading legislative and executive organ of the regime. This was headed by the American governor-general and included other American officials.
When in 1907 they declared the first national elections for the puppet Philippine Assembly in accordance with the Philippine Bill of 1902, the U.S. colonial officials allowed the Partido Nacionalista to compete with the Partido Federal in the elections. Realizing that the U.S. colonial officials themselves actually scorned the idea of making the Philippines a U.S. state and that the Filipino people were vigorously desirous of national independence and democracy, the barefaced traitors in the Partido Federal relabelled themselves as the Partido Progresista and advocated “eventual independence” after the people had supposedly shown their capacity for “self-government.” By adopting the slogan of “immediate, absolute and complete independence”, the Partido Nacionalista won overwhelmingly in the puppet elections over the Partido Progresista. Old puppets were replaced by new puppets led by Sergio Osmena and Manuel Quezon. Though their winning slogan sounded attractive, the new traitors were no different from the old ones in that they too accepted the treacherous notion that genuine independence could be peacefully and graciously granted by U.S. imperialism.
Osmena prevailed as top puppet chieftain from 1907 to 1922, first as president of the Philippine Assembly and then as speaker of the House of Representatives. He took orders from the American governor-general. The Philippine Assembly was subject to the Philippine Commission and was mainly an instrument for facilitating the collection of taxes from the people and the appropriation of government revenues for colonial administration. It was a glorified principalia with pretensions larger in scale than those of its antecedent. It was composed of the political representatives of the landlord class and the comprador big bourgeoisie.
One glaring example of Osmena’s puppetry was his campaign for the suspension of any kind of agitation for Philippine independence in 1917 when U.S. imperialism joint the first global inter-imperialist war. He also offered 25,000 Filipino mercenaries, a submarine and a destroyer to serve with the U.S. armed forces in Europe and maneuvered for the subsciption of $20 million worth of Liberty Bonds and the contribution of $500,000 to the American Red Cross by the impoverished Filipino people.
By the middle part of the second decade, the number of Filipino bureau chiefs had markedly increased. The U.S. imperialists prated about “Filipinization” of the colonial government. They had already trained a big number of puppets to assume administrative responsibility on behalf of U.S. monopoly capitalism in addition to the interest of the local exploitating classes. In 1916, the U.S. imperialists issued the Philippine Autonomy Law which dissolved the Philippine Commission and in its place created the Philippine Senate. The Philippine Assembly became the House of Representatives. The law further encouraged the U.S. bureaucrats to retire so that they could be replaced with Filipinos.
By being elected to the presidency of the Philippine Senate, Quezon gained a position from which he was to catapult himself to the top of the puppet bureaucracy. He claimed responsibility for the enactment of the autonomy law and, therefore, for the “Filipinization” of the colonial government. To boost his political capital, he posed as a champion of Philippine independence in the manner approved by his imperialist masters. He led the first mission to beg for “independence” in Washington in 1918. He slowly undermined the prestige of Osmena who was speaker of the House of Representatives until 1921 when he attacked the latter on his method of leadership but not on the substance of leadership. In 1922, both ran for the Philippine Senate and were elected on two separate wings of the Nacionalista Party. It was Quezon who was once more elected president of the Senate. Osmena was elected president protempore. From then on, Quezon became the top puppet chieftain.
Consistently, Quezon played the game of orating for the Philippine independence while obsequiously acting as the top puppet politician in the country. Feigning dissatisfaction with the result of the independence mission to the United States, he formed in 1926 the Supreme National Council and launched a national prayer day for “independence” on Washington’s birthday. These he used as a mere device for getting “non-partisan” support for his puppet leadership.
Like all the bureaucrat capitalists whom he headed, Quezon enriched himself through graft and corruption and was able to amass wealth in agricultural land, urban real estate and corporate stocks. During the third decade, when the U.S. capitalist crisis occurred and sharpened the suffering of the people all over the world, Quezon acted as an efficient instrument of colonial rule by raising the slogan of “social justice” while at the same time launching the most brutal attack against the people.
At the onset of the decade, the broad masses of the people were greatly agitated by the unremitting colonial and class oppression imposed on them by U.S. imperialism and its local lackeys — the comprador big bourgeoisie, the landlord class and the big puppet bureaucrats. The Communist Party of the Philippines was established on November 7, 1930 by Crisanto Evangelista in response to the growing demand for national and social liberation. It strived to integrate the universal theory of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete conditions of Philippine society and raised the level of the Philippine Revolution to a new type of national-democratic revolution in the era of imperialism.
The ceaseless struggle of the proletarian and peasant masses against U.S. imperialism and feudalism reached a new high with the founding of the Communist Party of the Philippines. Trade unions and peasant associations had emerged since the beginning of the century despite the efforts of the U.S. colonial regime to suppress them with outright force and sabotage them with tactics of infiltration and misrepresentation of the people’s interests. In the preceding decade, the discontent of the masses was frequently expressed by spontaneous violence as in industrial strikes in Manila and peasant strikes in Central Luzon, Southern Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao. The Colorums waged a revolt in two provinces in Mindanao in 1923-24. On a lesser scale, they also rebelled in Negros, Rizal, Batangas, Laguna, Pampanga and Tarlac. In all cases of mass protest, the U.S. colonial government employed the most violent measures to attack the masses.
On May 1, 1931, a people’s march organized and led by the Party was ruthlessly attacked and dispersed by the puppet constabulary under the orders of the U.S. imperialists. Party leaders and members were arrested. In the following year, the puppet Supreme Court outlawed the Party and meted out sentences of imprisonment to Party leaders. Nevertheless, despite the banning of the Party, spontaneous peasant uprisings occurred like those of Tayug, Pangasinan in 1931, and the Sakdals in 1935 over certain areas in Central Luzon and Southern Luzon.
U.S. imperialism was compelled by grave circumstances within the Philippines, in its own heartland and in the whole world to create the illusion that it was willing to grant “independence” to its Philippine colony. The crisis of imperialism heightened the national struggle for independence and the class struggle in the Philippines. In the United States, U.S. farm capitalists made an outcry against Philippine sugar and coconut oil; and the yellow labor leaders of the A.F.L.-C.I.O. denounced the immigration of Filipino workers to the United States. Under these circumstances, the U.S. Congress passed the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Law in 1933 granting sham independence to the Philippines.
A mission led by Osmena and Roxas brought home this sham independence law. Afraid that the two puppet politicians would make political capital out of it, Quezon attacked it as inadequate and led another mission to Washington to ask for another sham independence law. In place of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Law, the Tydings-McDuffie Law which was no different, except in minor rephrasing, was enacted in 1934 by the United States. This new colonial law would serve as Quezon’s credentials for becoming the first president of the puppet commonwealth government.
The Tydings-McDuffie Law paved the way for the framing of a constitution that was subject to the approval of the U.S. president and for the formation of the commonwealth government in 1935. It pledged to grant full “independence” to a bogus republic ten years after the ratification of this constitution. The law made sure that among so many imperialist privileges, U.S. citizens and corporations would retain their property rights in the Philippines, that the U.S. government would be able to station its troops and occupy large areas of Philippine territory as its military bases and that the United States and the Philippines would maintain free trade.
U.S. imperialism rigged up the Constitutional Convention of 1935. Delegates came overwhelmingly from the comprador big bourgeoisie and the landlord class. Like all colonial documents, the constitution that they framed was adorned with high-sounding phrases to hide substantial provisions as well as meaningful omissions sustaining the political and economic power of U.S. imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism in the Philippines. The constitution placed no restrictions on U.S. and other foreign investments, except in the areas of land ownership, natural resources and public utilities where the restrictions are nevertheless flimsy. It also contained special provisions (Art. XVII) in favor of U.S. imperialism. In 1939, the first ordinance would be appended in order to ensure further the all-round dominance of U.S. imperialism even after the proclamation of sham independence.
The National Defense Act was the very first legislative act of the puppet commonwealth government. This act conceived the organization of the reactionary armed forces and adopted the Filipino mercenaries of U.S. imperialism as the main component of the puppet state. The Philippine Constabulary became the First Regular Army under the U.S. Army in 1936. Quezon, the first president of the puppet commonwealth, designated Gen. Douglas Mac Arthur as “field marshal” of these mercenaries.
In the face of the rampaging fascism of Japan, Germany and Italy, Communists all over the world called for a popular front with all anti-fascist forces. Afraid of being isolated from the broad masses of the Filipino people, the U.S. imperialists and the puppet commonwealth government saw the necessity of putting out of prison the leaders of the Communist Party whom they had persecuted. As soon as these leaders were out of prison in 1936, the Party intensified the anti-fascist movement among workers and peasants under the banner of the Popular Front.
In an attempt to increase its membership and mass support rapidly, the Communist Party of the Philippines merged in 1938 with the Socialist Party to form the Communist Party of the Philippines (Merger of Socialist and Communist Parties). In the congress that ratified the merger, agents of the bourgeoisie who had crept into the Party and usurped authority therein while Party leaders were in prison succeeded in having themselves formally elected to responsible positions, especially in the so-called second line of leadership. These unremolded petty-bourgeois elements represented by Vicente Lava conspired with some anti-communist elements in the Civil Liberties Union2 and League for the Defense of Democracy in inserting into the 1938 constitution of the merger party counterrevolutionary provisions supporting the colonial constitution of the puppet commonwealth government.
These counterrevolutionaries who had crept into the Party consistently misrepresented the Popular Front policy as a policy of subservience to U.S. imperialism and the puppet commonwealth government. These anti-communists disguised as communists maneuvered the Party leadership into submitting a shameless memorandum to U.S. High Commissioner Sayre, Gen. MacArthur and Quezon in December 1941, pledging all-out support and loyalty to U.S. imperialism and the puppet commonwealth government. The three colonial officials relished this beggarly act firmly rebuffed the prayer for arms.


By: Comrade Mark Cua


When Intramuros was already completely surrounded by the US naval and land troops, diplomatic negotiations were secretly conducted by Admiral Dewey and the Spanish governor-general through the Belgian consul. These negotiations led to the agreement of stating a mock battle to justify the turnover of Manila to the US imperialists by the Spanish colonialists and were parallel to negotiations being held abroad towards the general settlement of the Spanish-American War through the mediation of the French government .

On August 13, 1898, the mock battle of Manila was staged by the US imperialists and the Spanish colonialists. After a few token shots were fired, the latter surrendered to the former. The US imperialists made it a point to prevent Filipino troops from entering Intramuros. It was thus that the Filipino revolutionary forces were conclusively deprived of the victory that was rightfully theirs. From then on, however, hatred of the US imperialism became more widespread among the Filipino masses and their patriotic troops.

The Philippine revolutionary government shifted its headquarters from Cavite to Malolos, Bulacan in September in anticipation of further US imperialist aggression. Here the Malolos Congress was held to put out a constitution that had for its models bourgeois-democratic constitutions. During the same period, the US imperialists kept on insisting in diplomatic terms that Filipino troops withdraw further from where they had been pushed. The US aggressors maneuvered to occupy more territory around Manila.

Attempts of the Aguinaldo government at diplomacy abroad to assert the sovereign rights of the Filipino people proved to be futile. On December 10, 1898, the Treaty of Paris was signed by the United States and Spain ceding the entire Philippines to the former at the price of $ 20 million and guaranteeing the property and business rights of Spanish citizens in the archipelago. On December 21, US President McKinley issued the â € œProclamation of Benevolent Assimilationâ € ?? to declare in sugar-coated terms a war of aggression against the Filipino people.

On February 4, 1899, the US troops made a surprise attack on the Filipino revolutionary forces in the vicinity of Manila. In the ensuing battles in the city, at least 3,000 Filipino were butchered while only 250 US troops fell. Thus, armed hostilities between US imperialism and the Filipino people began. The Filipino people heroically stood up to wage a revolutionary war of national liberation.

Before the Filipino-American War was decisively won by US imperialism in 1902, 126,468 US troops had been unleashed against the 7,000,000 Filipino people. These foreign aggressors suffered a casualty of at least 4,000 killed and almost 3,000 wounded. Close to 200,000 Filipino combatants and noncombatants were slain. In short, for every US trooper killed, 50 Filipinos were in turn killed. More than a quarter of a million Filipinos died as a direct and indirect result of hostilities. However, an estimate of a US general would even put the Filipino death casualty to as high as 600,00 or one-sixth of the population in Luzon then.

The US imperialist aggressors practised genocide of monstrous proportions. They committed various forms of atrocities such as the massacres of captured troops and innocent civilians; pillage on women, homes and property; and ruthless employment of torture, such as dismemberment, the water cure and the rope torture. Zoning and concentration camps were resorted to in order to put civilians and combatants at their mercy.

As US imperialism forced the Aguinaldo government to retreat, it played on the weaknesses in the ranks of the ilustrado leadership of the revolution. The imperialist chieftain McKinley dispatched the Schurman Commission in 1899 and then the Taft Commission in 1900 and issued to them instructions for the â € œpacificationâ € ?? of the country and cajolement of capitulationist traitors.

The liberal-bourgeois leadership of the old democratic revolution once more proved to be inadequate, flabby and compromising. Aguinaldo failed to lead the revolution effectively. He turned against such anti-imperialists as Mabini and Luna and increasingly relied on such capitulationists as Paterno and Buencamino. These two traitors who in previous years were notorious for their puppetry to Spanish colonialism had sneaked into the revolutionary government and usurped authority therein. They headed a pack of traitors who were deeply attracted to the siren song of â € œpeace, â € ?? â € œautonomyâ € ?? and â € œbenevolent assimilationâ € ?? which the US imperialists sang as they butchered the people.

In every town occupied by the US imperialist troops, puppet municipal elections were held and dominated by the old principalia. These puppet elections excluded the masses who could not comply with the property and literacy requirements. These sham elections were used mainly to break off the principalia from the revolution and to attract its members into becoming running dogs in the same way that the Spanish colonialists had done.

As soon as traitors led by Paterno and Buencamino were in the hands of the US imperialists, they were used to serve imperialist propaganda, chiefly to call on the people to lay down their arms. Under the instigation of the aggressors, particularly the US army intelligence, Trinidad Pardo de Tavera organized the Partido Federal in 1900 to advocate the annexation of the Philippines by the United States. At the same time, the imperialists promulgated laws to punish those who would advocate independence.

The people and their revolutionary leaders who refused to take the oath of allegiance to the US flag were persecuted, imprisoned or banished to Guam. Mass organizations, especially among the workers and peasants, were suppressed every time they surfaced.

In 1901, Aguinaldo himself was captured by the imperialists with the help of Filipino mercenaries. From then on, the treacherous counterrevolutionary forefathers of the Armed Forces of the Philippines were systematically organized and employed to help complete the imperialist conquest of the Filipino people. The first puppet constabularymen were used extensively in â € œmopping upâ € ?? operations against persistent revolutionary fighters in Luzon and Visayas as well as in the subjugation of Mindanao.

Even when the main detachments of the Aguinaldo government had been defeated, armed resistance against US imperialism still persisted in practically every town of the entire archipelago. The people of Bicol continued to wage armed struggle until 1903 when their leader Simeon Ola betrayed them by surrendering. In the Visayas, particularly Cebu, Samar, Leyte and Panay, the Pulahanes fought fierce battles against the US aggressor troops and the puppet constabulary. So did the masses of Cavite, Batangas, Laguna and Quezon even after a general amnesty was issued. In Central Luzon, a religious organization, the Santa Iglesia, also waged armed resistance. In the Ilocos, associations that proclaimed themselves as the New Katipunan conducted a guerrilla war for national independence against US imperialism. As late as 1907, puppet elections could not be held in Isabela because of the peopleâ € ™ s resistance. The most prominent of the final efforts to continue the revolutionary struggle in Luzon was led by Macario Sakay, from 1902 to 1906 in Bulacan, Pampanga, Laguna, Nueva Ecija and Rizal. It was only in 1911 that guerrilla war completely ceased in Luzon. However, the fiercest armed resistance after 1902 was waged by the people of Mindanao until as late as 1916.

For some time, US imperialists succeeded in deceiving the Sultan of Sulu that his feudal sovereignty would be respected under the Bates Treaty of 1899 which he signed. When the foreign aggressors begun to put what they called the â € œMoro Provinceâ € ?? under their administrative control, they had to contend with the Hassan uprising of 1903-1904; Usap rebellion of 1905; Pala revolt of 1905; Bud Dajo uprising of 1906; Bud Bagsak battle of 1913 and many others. This heroic resistance of the people was quelled with extreme atrocity.

The Sedition Law of 1901, the Brigandage Act of 1902 and the Reconcentration Act of 1903 were passed by US imperialism to sanction military operations against the people as mere police operations against â € œcommon criminals.â € ?? Patriots were called bandits. People in extensive areas were herded into military camps in order to separate them from the patriotic guerrillas.

The war expenditures of US imperialism in the conquest of the Philippines were paid for by the Filipino people themselves. They were compelled to pay taxes to the US colonial regime to defray a major part of the expenditures and the interest on bonds floated in the name of the Philippine government through the Wall Street banking houses. Of course, the superprofits derived from the protracted exploitation of the Filipino people would constitute the basic gains of US imperialism....

By: Comrade Mark Cua

Apolonio Mendoza Command NPA (New People's Army) successfully kills dozens of soldiers from the 85th Infantry Battalion in Barangay Binahian, Bayan ng Lopez. 

Christopher De Leon aka Ariel and Joel Almares aka Joel died from the attacked who are operatives from the 85th Infantry Battalion. The Intel Operative from the Philippine Democratic Government was shot and killed while riding a motorcycle and fired upon by the NPA (New People's Army). 

Their aim was to destroy the revolutionary movement South of Quezon. 

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By: Comrade Mark Cua

Leonardo Pacsi Command of the NPA (New People's Army) killed Willie Digmay for treason and working as an asset for the Philippine Democratic Forces. He was killed in Bangaan, Sagada. 

He continuously spearheaded intelligence division against the Red revolutionary movement in the province and Cordillera Region. He was able to build intelligence network in Sagada, and other towns And duped several Kailans into joining his unwanted Activities. 

He also played an important role in the Democratic Military Operations against 54th Infantry Battalion, 50th Infantry Battalion, 5th Infantry Battalion. RSPB, and other Democratic Units there. He served as scout on clearing for the Democratic Police and troop deployment in municipalities of Bondoc, Sagada, Tadian, Besao, and other Revolutionary areas. 

Most Notably on the Operations on Joe Cawidling, and Leticia Banasan in 2008, Grayson Naogsan in 2012, and Corsio Ganima. 

He also used Physical Threats to allow Mining Companies to trade Mine Taillings from Pidlisan Mines, and threatening his fellow Kailans and neighbours. He was purged and killed for these crimes against the Filipino People. 

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By: Comrade Mark Cua

Numerous Soldiers die from an attack from NPA (New People's Army) in Sitio Tamala, San Marcelino, Heneral Nakar Quezon last 8th of February 2015. Ben Flora was one of the soldiers killed belonging to the Intelligence Divsion of the 59th Infantry Battalion. 

This is a joint operation of the 59th Infantry Battalion, 1st Infantry Battalion, and 16th Infantry battalion on a continuous Operation in Infanta Quezon. The Main Target of the Operation was giving a hard time on Ethnic Groups, farmers, and Fishing folks. Those they suspect involved on the Red revolutionary movement was arrested illegally. 

They blindly charged Native Rosario Marquez Loreto, 37 years of age with 2 sons and Marites Loreto 45 years of age with 3 children both residents of San Marcelino, Nakar Quezon. Because unable to capture any NPA, they planned to catch them to show them to the public and media. 

They are up to now imprisoned in the detain cells of the 59th and 16th Infantry Battalion. 

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By: Comrade Mark Cua

Democratic Officers threatened the one and only witness to the abduction of the former NPA (New People's Army) Edwin Anuran up to now cannot be found. The Witness said they are Democratic Soldiers and accompanied by Democratic Military Commander. 

Elena Dacos Estanol was with Edwin Anuran when he was abducted by the Philippine Democratic Soldiers last 30th of January. Estanol said he was threatened by the Philippine Democratic Forces not to testify against them in the jury. 

Democratic Local Government of Bulusan refuses his protection due to working with the Philippine Democratic Forces to cover up their crimes. 

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